Arrian: Periplus Ponti Euxini was published in 2003 by Bristol Classical Press, an imprint of Duckworth & Co., which has since been taken over by Bloomsbury Publishing. The key document in this slim volume is an English translation of an ancient text written in Greek in AD 131 or 132: Arrian’s report about the Black Sea, written while he was governor of the Roman province Cappadocia (also known as Pontus). His report is cast as a letter to Hadrian, who ruled 117-138, and the Latin title is “Periplus Ponti Euxini,” which we can translate as “The Circumnavigation of the Black Sea.
In fact, Arrian
did not circumnavigate the Black Sea, because he did not do the full circle. The
first part of his letter is based on personal observations, his inspection
tour, while the second and third parts are based on information he had received
from other sources and other witnesses. For more details on this matter, see
below.
Arrian’s letter is
edited with an introduction, a translation and a commentary by Aidan Liddle,
who read Classics at Oxford and who now works as a civil servant. Here is the
table of contents (some headings have been slightly modified):
** Introduction:
** 1. Arrian’s
career
** 2. Arrian’s literary
achievement
** 3. The
Periplus Ponti Euxini:** (A) Structure and authenticity
** (B) Transmission
** 4. Conclusion
** Bibliography
** A Note on the
Text
** ARRIAN: PERIPLUS
PONTI EUXINI
** Parallel
Text: Greek and English ** Commentary
** Maps
Who is Arrian? And
what does he have to say about the Black Sea?
Lucius Flavius
Arrianus Xenophon, known in English as Arrian, was born in Nicomedia (today
Izmit), which is only 70 km from Byzantium, later Constantinople, and today
Istanbul. We do not know when he was born or when he died, but we think he was
born around AD 86 and died around AD 160. He was not only a historian and a
philosopher, but also a public servant and a military commander. While his
first language was Greek, he also knew how to read and write Latin.
He met Hadrian
and became a friend of his around AD 111-114, while Trajan still ruled the
empire. Perhaps this is the reason why Hadrian later decided to appoint him as consul
(129 or 130) and as governor of a Roman province. Arrian served as governor of
Cappadocia for seven years, 131-138. He left his post shortly before Hadrian
died.
For more
information about this person, his life and his works, see Arrian of
Nicomedia by Philip A. Stadter (1980). Obviously, this essential title is listed
in Liddle’s bibliography.
Arrian’s letter was written in the beginning of his
term as governor. Since 1846 most modern editors have divided the text into 25
chapters. The official dispatches written in Latin have not been preserved, but
Arrian refers to them two times in his letter (which is written in Greek and
which we still have today):
** In chapter 6 he says: “My opinion about this latter point I have written to you in the Latin report.”
** In chapter 10 he says: “The reason for this, and what we did there, my letter in Latin will explain to you.”
Apparently, the Latin dispatches were official and secret, while the Greek text was an open letter to Hadrian, which was circulated in antiquity. Perhaps this is why the Latin dispatches are lost, while the open letter has been preserved.
** In chapter 6 he says: “My opinion about this latter point I have written to you in the Latin report.”
** In chapter 10 he says: “The reason for this, and what we did there, my letter in Latin will explain to you.”
Apparently, the Latin dispatches were official and secret, while the Greek text was an open letter to Hadrian, which was circulated in antiquity. Perhaps this is why the Latin dispatches are lost, while the open letter has been preserved.
The structure of
the document is a bit surprising. We would expect a description of the Black
Sea to start at one point and then go full circle, clock-wise or
counter-clockwise. But Arrian does not work this way. His letter is divided
into three sections (the direction is always counter-clockwise):
** Part 1 **
Sailing
from Trapezus (Trebizond) in the southeast to Sebastopolis (Dioscurias) in the
northeast. This part is based on personal observations: his inspection tour. He
speaks in the first person: “We sailed…” This part is the most detailed, the
most accurate, and (in my opinion) the most lively (chapters 1-11).
** Part 2 **
Moving
from Byzantium in the southwest to Trapezus in the southeast. This part is
based on information from other sources. But it could also be based on his personal
observations: when he had to take possession of his province, he probably sailed
along this route. Whatever the case, he speaks in the third person: “There is…”
This part is not as accurate as part one, but more precise than part three
(chapters 12-16; chapter 17 is used as a “bridge” to the last part).
** Part 3 **
Moving
from Sebastopolis in the northeast to Byzantium in the southwest. This part is
definitely based on information from other sources. He speaks in the third
person: “There is…” This part is not as detailed as the others, and it is the
least accurate of the three parts (chapters 18-25).
Edward Gibbon
refers to this document in volume 7 of his monumental study The History of the
Fall and Decline of the Roman Empire. He notes the three-part structure of the
text when he says it contains:
“whatever the governor of Pontus had seen, from Trebizond to Dioscurias [part 1]; whatever he had heard, from Dioscurias to the Danube [part 2]; and whatever he knew from the Danube to Trebizond [part 3].”
“whatever the governor of Pontus had seen, from Trebizond to Dioscurias [part 1]; whatever he had heard, from Dioscurias to the Danube [part 2]; and whatever he knew from the Danube to Trebizond [part 3].”
I should point
out that this quotation from Edward Gibbon is not found in Liddle’s
book.
It is obvious to
compare this volume published in 2003 with Falconer’s translation and
commentary published in 1805, almost two hundred years before: Arrian’s Voyage Round the Euxine Sea. The conclusion is clear: the new book is much better
than the old. Here are three reasons why:
# 1. The new
translation is better than the old. Moreover, Liddle provides a facing-page
translation, with the Greek original on the left-hand pages and the English
translation on the right-hand pages. It is easy to compare one with the other.
# 2. Liddle
provides an excellent introduction, which places the ancient author and his
text in a historical context.
# 3. The new
commentary is more comprehensive and more systematic than the old. Whenever
possible, Liddle provides the modern name of every river and town mentioned by
Arrian. In addition, Liddle provides references to other ancient sources and to
modern scholarship, for each river and each town, whenever this is possible.
The conclusion
is no surprise. Liddle has the advantage of almost 200 years of scholarship
since Falconer’s volume was published. It would be more surprising – indeed
shocking – if the old volume from 1805 was better than the new book published
in 2003.
In his
introduction and in his commentary, Liddle covers geographical and historical
aspects. He also tries to explain what Arrian says and why he says it. Here are
four cases, based on four keywords:
The first
keyword is Hadrian. Arrian addresses the Roman emperor several times. In
chapter 1 he says:
“We looked down on the Euxine Sea from the very same spot as both Xenophon and you.”
In chapter 3 he says:
“That cohort of foot soldiers, as you know, also has 20 cavalry which is sufficient.”
“We looked down on the Euxine Sea from the very same spot as both Xenophon and you.”
In chapter 3 he says:
“That cohort of foot soldiers, as you know, also has 20 cavalry which is sufficient.”
In chapter 5 he
says:
“… the ship’s timber, of which, as you know, there is a great abundance in the Euxine.”
In chapter 12 he says:
“These things that I tell you [here], you already know.”
“… the ship’s timber, of which, as you know, there is a great abundance in the Euxine.”
In chapter 12 he says:
“These things that I tell you [here], you already know.”
Liddle explains
that Arrian writes in this way in order to give his letter a personal touch and
at the same time to remind Hadrian about his own visits to this part of the
world in 123/124 and 129.
The second
keyword is Xenophon. The Greek historian, who lived ca. 430-354 BC, is
mentioned several times (for one example, see the passage just quoted from
chapter 1). In the English text, he is sometimes referred to as “Xenophon the
Elder” in order to distinguish him from Arrian, who has the same name. Liddle
explains that Arrian writes in this way in order to show his connection with
classical Greece.
The third
keyword is barbarians. This word is used several times. In chapter 1, about a
monument in Trapezus, Arrian says:
“The altars are already set up, though in
rather rough stone, and as such the inscribed letters are not particularly
clear; the Greek inscription is also inaccurately carved, as it was written by
barbarians.”
In chapter 9, about the fort in Phasis, he says:
“And its
foundations are firm, and war engines are installed – and in short, it is fully
equipped to prevent any of the barbarians from even approaching it, let alone
to protect the garrison there against the danger of a siege.”
In chapter 11 a
warlike tribe is described as pirates, i.e. they are even worse than barbarians:
“They were also formerly liable for tribute to the Romans, although, being
pirates, they are not anxious to pay their tribute. But nowadays, God willing,
they will be, or we will exterminate them.”
Liddle explains that Arrian writes
in this way in order to present himself as a loyal and efficient governor of
his province (although his threat to exterminate the warlike tribe might have
been beyond his powers).
The fourth
keyword is ancient mythology. Ancient myths are mentioned several times. In
chapter 9 Arrian mentions the legend of Jason and the Argonauts. In chapters 11
and 19 he mentions the legend of Prometheus. In chapters 21-23 he mentions the legend
of the Greek hero Achilles and his friend Patroclus. Liddle explains why:
“Arrian here touchingly and subtly compares the intense grief of Hadrian
following the death of his favourite Antinous in Egypt in 130 – only a year or
two before – to that of Achilles for Patroclus.”
The bibliography
contains books and articles in several languages, including the following:
** A French
translation of the Periplus edited by Henry Chotard. According to Liddle, it
was published in 1960. He is off by 100 years. It was published in 1860. Perhaps
an unfortunate misprint?
** A new French
translation of the Periplus edited by Alain Silberman and published in 1995.
** An Italian
translation of the Periplus edited by Gerardo Marenghi and published in 1958
For some reason,
Falconer’s English translation published in 1805 is not listed in the
bibliography, but it is mentioned in the introduction, on page 33. According to
Liddle, the text is translated by Thomas Falconer. The first name is wrong. The
text is translated by William Falconer (1744-1824), while the book is edited by
his son Thomas Falconer (1772-1839). Perhaps an oversight?
H. F. Pelham’s
article about Arrian as governor of Cappadocia (published in 1896) is listed
here, but Liddle fails to tell us that this article was reprinted in Essays on
Roman History collected and edited by F. Haverfield (1911), pp. 212-233.
Perhaps another oversight?
There are two
maps at the end of the book: map # 1 (pp. 136-137) shows the western half of
the Black Sea, while map # 2 (pp. 138-139) shows the eastern half. Both are
useful, because (almost) all rivers and towns mentioned in Arrian’s letter are
shown on these maps. I notice one exception: the River Tanais (today Don), which
is mentioned in chapter 19, is not shown on the map.
It would have been even more helpful if the publisher had decided to print them as fold-out maps. In that case it would have been possible to view the maps and the text at the same time. As it is, you have to flip back and forth between the text and the maps. An easy solution to this problem is to make a photocopy of these four pages and place them next to the book.
It would have been even more helpful if the publisher had decided to print them as fold-out maps. In that case it would have been possible to view the maps and the text at the same time. As it is, you have to flip back and forth between the text and the maps. An easy solution to this problem is to make a photocopy of these four pages and place them next to the book.
There is no
index.
Owen Hodkinson –
from the University of Leeds – reviewed this book in Scholia Reviews (vol.
14, 2005). The review is available online (Academia.edu).
It is a positive
review, except for a few minor points. I agree with Hodkinson. I like this
book. All three parts – introduction, translation, and commentary – are well
crafted, but I have to mention a few points which bother me. I do not want to
say that Liddle has done anything wrong, but there are a few cases where his
commentary is too brief; where relevant facts have been omitted.
CASE # 1
In chapter 14
Arrian mentions a town called Abonouteichos. He does not say much about it, but
he does issue a warning for sailors: “The mooring is not secure for ships; though they can ride at anchor without harm, unless a large storm blows up.”
Fortunately, Liddle has more information:
“Now Inebolu (from its later name of Ionopolis), this town was originally a Sinopean foundation, probably as a trading post.”
He adds a reference to an ancient source and a modern book. So far so good, but something is missing.
Abonouteichos is the birthplace of Alexander (ca. 105-ca. 170), who is often described as a false prophet. His oracle flourished during the reign of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius. Lucian of Samosata (ca. 125-ca. 185) wrote an essay about him, which has been preserved. But neither Alexander nor Lucian is mentioned by Liddle.
It is relevant
to mention Lucian, because he refers to Arrian, and his reference is found
precisely in his essay about Alexander. Here is the context: Lucian explains
that a friend has asked him to write an essay about Alexander, and he has done
so. Now Lucian explains that both of them may be reproached: the friend for
asking Lucian to write the essay, and Lucian for writing the essay, because a
rascal does not deserve the attention of honest men. But Lucian has a good
defence:
“If anyone reproaches us for this, we shall be able to quote a
precedent, namely Arrian, the pupil of Epictetus, a Roman of the highest
distinction, and a life-long devotee of letters… You see, he decided to write
the life of Tilloborus the brigand.”
If Arrian could
write a life of a brigand, then Lucian is allowed to write an essay about a
false prophet. Unfortunately, Arrian’s life of the brigand has not been
preserved.
As for the name
of the brigand, some scholars think Tillorobus is more correct. For more
information on this issue, see Bandits in the Roman Empire by Thomas Grünewald
(2004, 2008), page 6 with note 17 on pp. 168-169, as well as Arrian of
Nicomedia by Philip Stadter, page 162 with note 81 on page 239.
CASE # 2
In chapter 20
Arrian mentions the river Borysthenes and the Greek city called Olbia. He does
not provide any details about them. Fortunately, Liddle has more information:
the river Borysthenes is now the Dnieper, while Olbia is now the town of
Parutino. He adds a few references to ancient sources and to modern scholarship.
So far so good, but something is missing.
Dio of Prusa -
also known as Dio Chrysostom (ca. 45-115) - visited Olbia (sometimes called
Borysthenes after the river) around AD 97. In Oratio # 36, he talks about his
experiences in this town. Dio was a famous orator, but Liddle does not connect
him with this place. This omission is all the more surprising because Dio is
mentioned two times in the introduction (pp. 15 and 17). Liddle is aware of him,
but fails to connect him with this specific location on the Black Sea coast.
For more
information about the Greek orator from Prusa, see Dio Chrysostom edited by
Simon Swain (2000, 2002).
CASE # 3
In chapter 24
Arrian mentions Tomis. But he does not provide any details about it. Fortunately,
Liddle has more information: “Tomis, now the important Romanian port of Constanta, is perhaps the most famous of the Greek colonies of the west coast of the Black Sea, due to its most reluctant resident, Ovid.”
It is good that he mentions the poet, but something is missing: Liddle does not discuss why Arrian fails to mention Ovid. Perhaps because the poet was sent into exile here by a previous emperor, Augustus?
For more
information about this issue, see Ovid in Exile by Adrian Radulescu. Since
this book was published in 2002, it could have been included by Liddle, whose
preface is dated June 2003.
The flaws I have
mentioned in this review are real and important, but I think they must be
considered minor.
Arrian’s
Periplus is “a strange and disparate work,” as Liddle says in his introduction,
because it is “part military and diplomatic report, part fantastic mythological
guidebook, [and] part friendly correspondence” (page 2).
Towards the end
of his introduction, Liddle raises an important question: “In the final
analysis, then, why should Arrian’s Periplus warrant attention at all, let
alone a new edition and translation?” His answer is quite long, because it comes
in four stages. It is too long to quote here, but I can quote the fourth and
final stage:
“Above all, written
by a man who was perhaps the most representative of the culture of his age, it
affords us an epitome of that culture in a tightly packed nutshell. It is a
nutshell well worth opening.”
I agree with
him.
Arrian:
Periplus Ponti Euxini is an excellent book about an interesting document. Liddle’s
introduction, translation and commentary are all examples of good scholarship. Therefore
this slim volume is highly recommended.
PS. Here are
some useful references:
** Black Sea
by Neal Ascherson (1995, 2007)
** The Black
Sea: A History by Charles King (2004)
** Rome and the
Black Sea Region edited by Tønnes Bekker-Nielsen (2007)
** Tim Rood,
“Black Sea Variations: Arrian’s Periplus,” Cambridge Classical Journal,
vol. 57, 2011, pp. 137-163.
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