Tuesday, March 18, 2014

Bandits in the Roman Empire: Myth and Reality





Bandits in the Roman Empire: Myth and Reality by Thomas Grűnewald is an English version of a book that was published in German in 1999. The English version was published by Routledge in 2004 (hardcover) and 2008 (paperback). The text is translated by John Drinkwater, a classical scholar from the University of Nottingham and author of Roman Gaul (1983, reprinted 2013).

Thomas Grűnewald - a classical scholar from Germany - is the author of a book about political propaganda in the age of Constantine (published 1990). His book about bandits in the Roman Empire began as a doctoral dissertation (Habilitation) for the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at the Gerhard-Mercator University in Duisburg. The text has been slightly revised for publication in order to accommodate comments made by examiners. According to the back cover of the paperback version he is an honorary lecturer in Ancient History at the University of Duisburg-Essen.

The Latin word for a bandit is latro, plural latrones. For obvious reasons this word is used a lot in this book. The Greek equivalent is laistes, plural laistai. Bandits on the sea (pirates) are known as praedones. While these words have several meanings, they always have a negative connotation.

The book begins with an introduction where ancient sources and modern scholarship about the topic are presented. It is no surprise that the primary material is quite limited. Most ancient authors felt that bandits do not deserve to be mentioned or discussed in serious literature. They are only mentioned in passing or if the author has a special agenda: it seems Tacitus mentions bandits during the reign of Tiberius in order to place this emperor in a bad light. The secondary material is also quite limited. An important source of inspiration is Bandits by E. J. Hobsbawm (1917-2012) (first published 1969, fourth edition 2001). Modern works are listed in a brief bibliography that appears on pp. ix-x.

The following text is divided into 8 chapters. Each chapter is divided into shorter sections by subheadings, which is very user-friendly. Here is the table of contents [with some additional information in square brackets]:

* Chapter 1 – Real bandits

* Chapter 2 – Guerrilla leaders as latrones
[Viriathus, Sertorius, Tacfarinas]

* Chapter 3 – Leaders of slave revolts as latrones
[Eunous and Cleon, Salvius and Athenion, Spartacus]

* Chapter 4 – Politicians and pretenders as latrones
[Catilina, Clodius, Julius Caesar, Marcus Antonius, Sextus Pompeius]
[Zeniketes, Lysias, Tarcondimotus, Antipater, Cleon]
[Lachares, Eurycles, Zamaris]
[Maxentius, Magnus Maximus, Maximinus Thrax]
[Proculus, Lydius, Palfuerius]

*Chapter 5 – Leistai in Judaea
[John of Gischala, Simon bar Giora]
[The mass suicide of the Sicarii at Masada]

* Chapter 6 – Imperial challengers
[Bulla Felix, Isodorus, Maternus]

* Chapter 7 – Avengers in dynastic conflicts
[Clemens, avenger of Agrippa Postumus]
[The avenger of Drusus, son of Germanicus]
[The avenger of Alexander, son of Herod]
[Aedemon, avenger of Ptolemy of Mauretania]
[Anicetus, avenger of Polemon II of Pontus]
[Three false Neros]
[Three troublemakers of the late Republic]

* Chapter 8 – Conclusion

At the end of the book there are notes with references and additional comments as well as an index. A note on page 222 explains: “This index combines Indices 3 and 4 of the German edition. Indices 1 and 2, listing citations of ancient and modern authors, have been omitted.”

While the text is relatively short (166 pages, including introduction and conclusion), the notes are quite extensive. They cover more than fifty pages (167-221). The top of the left-hand pages repeat the title of the book, while the top of the right-hand pages are marked with one word: “Notes.” This is unfortunate and not very user-friendly. The top of the left-hand pages should have been marked “Notes to chapter NN,” while the top of the right-hand pages should have been marked “Notes to pages XXX-YYY.”

There are no illustrations in this book. A photo on the front cover shows a relief of a mounted city policeman (paraphylax) and his armed subordinates. It is from Izmir (Smyrna), Turkey. Incidentally, this motive was also used on the front cover of Enemies of the Roman Order by Ramsey MacMullen (1966).

According to Grűnewald, the bandits of the Roman Empire can be divided into four types:

** Type-One: Robbers - chapter 1
** Type-Two: Rebels - chapters 2-3
** Type-Three: Rivals – chapters 4-6
** Type-Four: Avengers – chapter 7

The title of the German version contains four alliterations with the letter R: Räuber, Rebellen, Rivalen, Rächer. As you can see, these German words correspond to the four types of bandits identified by the author.

According to Grűnewald, each type can be divided into two sub-types, one negative and one positive. Among the rebels, Tacfarinas is considered a common criminal, who only wants to enrich himself, while Viriathus is considered a noble bandit, because he has a higher goal, such as justice. Among the rivals, Maternus is regarded as a common criminal, while Bulla Felix is regarded as a noble bandit.

As far as I can see, the sub-types (one negative and one positive) do not work well with type-one or type-four bandits.

While there are four types, the lines between them are not always clear: Viriathus, who is presented as a rebel, might also be described as an avenger. Even Octavian, the future Emperor Augustus, might be described as an avenger, who wanted to revenge the murder of his adoptive father, Julius Caesar.

Grűnewald is aware of this fact. On page 138 he says: “… to a certain extent the desire for vengeance characterises all types of latrones, in this respect making it difficult to distinguish between them.”

The German version (published 1999) was reviewed by Brent D. Shaw in the online magazine Bryn Mawr Classical Review (2000.02.12). Shaw knows the topic quite well: he is the author of three articles about Roman bandits (published 1984, 1991 and 1993). All three articles are listed in Grűnewald’s bibliography, and there are several references to them in the notes. Shaw is also the author of Sacred Violence: African Christians and Sectarian Hatred in the Age of Augustine (2011).

It is, in many ways, a positive review. Having presented a brief summary of the book, Shaw says:
 
“Grűnewald has worked carefully and assiduously to correct and update existing studies (…), and he is a fair and accurate reporter of views of other scholars on the subject. His analysis of the primary and secondary materials for the history of brigandage in the Roman empire is both diverse and comprehensive.”

At the end of his review, Shaw describes the book as “a diligent and incisive summa of research done to date, and a reasoned critique of some superficial interpretations that have worked their way into the scholarship on the subject. It will be the necessary point of departure for anyone who wishes to acquire an accurate assessment of the state of research, the condition and range of the primary sources and the specifics of the standard cases that have been involved in modern historical debates on the subject.”

However, Shaw also has some critical comments and some critical questions. Labels (definitions) can change over time, depending on the circumstances (i.e. who is in power):
 
“The novelists make the point that the bandits or pirates can be exterminated like beasts on one day, or rise to the position of respectable men and officials on another. Such was the work of fate.”

A modern example (not mentioned by Shaw) is Nelson Mandela: as a prisoner of the apartheid state, he was branded as a dangerous terrorist. When he was released and became the first black president of South Africa, he became the most respected politician in his own country and one of the most respected politicians in the entire world.

According to Shaw, the labels used by Grűnewald are not always convincing:
 
“Despite reading and rereading the section on the leaders of the slave wars as ‘type-two’ bandits, it remains unclear to me why Eunus [Eunous] and Athenaios [Athenion] count [as noble bandits] and Spartacus does not.”

Shaw has a question:
 
“Why precisely, for example, is Vespasian never a bandit to an observer like Josephus, who sees brigands everywhere else around him in his own society?”

I agree with Shaw. I like this book, but I have to mention a few things which bother me:

(1) On page 21 Grűnewald quotes an inscription from AD 151 or 152 about a person who was attacked by bandits as he travelled from Lambaesis to Saldae in North Africa. He says the author is Marcus Valerius Etruscus, but in fact it is Nonius Datus. Marcus Valerius Etruscus, commander of Legio III, did not travel to Saldae. He gave Nonius Datus, a Roman engineer, permission to make the journey.

The story of Nonius Datus and the aqueduct that transported water to Saldae is quite famous. It is mentioned in several books about Roman history. Apparently, Grűnewald does not know it. Apparently, the translator does not know it, either. He has faithfully translated Grűnewald’s mistake, without any correction.

For more information about this case, see Serafina Cuomo, “A Roman Engineer’s Tales,” Journal of Roman Studies, vol. 101 (2011) pp, 143-165.

(2) Sometimes Grűnewald is a bit careless when it comes to chronology. Here are some examples:

(A) In chapter 3 about the slave wars, he never provides the complete dates. On page 59, he should add: The First Slave War (Sicily, 135-132 BC).  On page 61, he should add: The Second Slave War (Sicily, 104-101 BC). On page 64, he should add: The Third Slave War (Italy, 73-71 BC).

(B) In the section about the Sertorian war in Spain (pp. 47-48), he never tells us when Sertorius was murdered. It happened in 72 BC. Incidentally, he never gives us the first name of this rebel. It is Quintus.

For more information about this conflict, see Sertorius and the Struggle for Spain by Philip Matyszak (2013).

(C) In the section about Tacfarinas (pp. 48-55), there is a problem with the chronology. We are told the conflict lasted from 17 to 24, which is true. On page 48 he says: “In AD 23 the proconsul Q. Junius Blaesus managed to run down and wipe out most of Tacfarinas’ followers.” In fact, this happened in AD 22. The text continues: “In the same year [i.e. AD 23] P. Cornelius Dolabella completed the work of his predecessor when he stormed the rebels’ camp and so precipitated Tacfarinas’ death.” In fact, this happened in AD 24.

When we get to page 53, we find the correct dates: Now Q. Junius Blaesus is connected with events in AD 22 and P. Cornelius Dolabella with events in AD 24. Apparently, the author did not notice his own inconsistency. Apparently, the translator did not notice it, either. He has faithfully translated Grűnewald’s mistake, without any correction.

(D) In the section about Masada, the desert fortress located south of Jerusalem and west of the Dead Sea (pp. 106-109), he says: “This last bulwark of the rebellion succumbed only in 73.” This is the traditional date. However, new evidence relevant for this case has been discovered, and therefore some scholars prefer the following year, AD 74. Grűnewald does not mention this issue. Perhaps he does not know about it. For references to the modern debate, see Maurice Sartre, The Middle East under Rome (2005) page 428 (note 204).

(3) Regarding Tacfarinas and his revolt, Grűnewald says: “Seen as a whole, it never amounted to very much, nor did it ever pose any serious threat to Roman rule in North Africa” (page 48).

Against this view I will offer the following facts, which are all mentioned by the author on page 53:

(a) The conflict lasted for almost ten years. (b) Three Roman commanders were granted a triumph after a victory over Tacfarinas. (c) The Ninth Legion was brought in from Pannonia to support the local legion in the war against Tacfarinas and his rebels.

On page 54 Grűnewald talks about “the very wide repercussions of Tacfarinas’ rebellion, its extraordinary ability to regenerate itself after defeat, the adaptability of its commander, his strategical [sic!] skills and his charismatic qualities as a leader.” Later, on the same page, he refers to “the undeniable truth that Tacfarinas’ uprising was perhaps the most important military event of the first ten years of Tiberius’ reign.”

As far as I can see, the first evaluation (on page 48) is refuted by the subsequent information (on pp. 53-54). The author seems to contradict himself, giving two opposing view of this rebellion.

(4) Sometimes Grunewald is so busy discussing terminology that he forgets to tell us the story of the bandits. This objection applies in particular to chapter 3 about the slave wars in the Republican era.

What about the translation? I think Drinkwater has done a good job. As noted above, it seems he overlooked a few problems. In addition, there are three misprints:

** Page 46 – “… the motions to refused Caepio his triumph.” It should be “refuse.”

** Page 79 – “Zenketes.” It should be “Zeniketes.”

** Page 100 – “Simon bar Gora.” It should be “Giora.”

In spite of these objections, I think he has done a good job. Because of his efforts this book is now available in English.

Incidentally, Drinkwater is mentioned in the text on pp. 129 and 164. There are references to his work in the notes on pp. 211-213 (notes 125, 149, 151).

Drinkwater was in contact with the author while he was working on the translation. In his foreword he explains: “I owe particular thanks to Thomas Grűnewald for his promptness and enthusiasm in reading and correcting my draft chapters as they were produced.”

In conclusion: Bandits in the Roman Empire is the first and so far the only full-scale study of this topic. I like this book, but as you can see from my review, there are some flaws, and therefore I think it deserves a rating of four stars.

PS # 1: The following recent articles are available online: Lincoln H. Blumell, “Beware of Bandits! Banditry and land travel in the Roman Empire,” Journeys, vol. 8, # 1-2, summer/winter 2007, pp. 1-20; Brady B. Lonergran, “Roman Banditry,” Penn Historical Review, vol. 18, # 1, fall 2010, pp. 1-25.

PS # 2: American author and illustrator Jasper Burns has written a modern screenplay about one of the famous bandits: Bulla Felix: The Roman Robin Hood (2011).

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Thomas Grünewald,
Bandits in the Roman Empire: Myth and Reality,
Routledge, hardcover 2004, paperback 2008, 240 pages
 
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Sunday, March 2, 2014

Becoming Roman, Writing Latin?


























Becoming Roman, Writing Latin? with the subtitle Literacy and Epigraphy in the Roman West was published by the Journal of Roman Archaeology in 2002 (special supplement # 48). The papers presented here are the product of a panel on this subject organized at the Fourth Roman Archaeology Conference held at Glasgow in 2001.

The JRA is edited by John Humphrey. The special supplement is edited by Alison E. Cooley - author of The Cambridge Manual of Latin Epigraphy (2012) – and it contains 11 contributions by 12 classical scholars (including two by the editor). Here is the table of contents [with information about illustrations in square brackets]:

** Chapter 1:
“Introduction”
By Alison E. Cooley
[No illustrations]

** Chapter 2:
“Epigraphy by numbers:
Latin and the epigraphic culture in Sicily
By Jonathan R. W. Prag
[10 illustrations]

** Chapter 3:
“Latin on coins of the western empire”
By Andrew Burnett
[No illustrations]

** Chapter 4:
“Writing Latin in the Roman province of Lusitania
By Jonathan Edmondson
[10 illustrations]

** Chapter 5:
“Writing Latin - from resistance to integration:
Language, culture, and society in N. Italy and S. Gaul
By Ralph Häussler
[5 illustrations]

** Chapter 6:
“The survival of Oscan in Roman Pompeii”
By Alison E. Cooley
[1 illustration]

** Chapter 7:
“Seal-boxes and the spread of Latin literacy in the Rhine delta”
By Ton Derks and Nico Roymans
[13 illustrations plus 12 plates]

** Chapter 8:
“Pottery stamps, coin designs, and writing in late Iron Age Britain
By Jonathan H. C. Williams
[4 illustrations]

** Chapter 9:
“Language and literacy in Roman Britain:
Some archaeological considerations”
By William S. Hanson and Richard Conolly
[No illustrations]

** Chapter 10:
“Writing to the gods in Britain
By Roger S. O. Tomlin
[6 illustrations plus 4 plates]

** Chapter 11:
“Afterword: How the Latin West was won”
By Greg D. Woolf
[No illustrations]

Each chapter has its own bibliography. References are given in footnotes placed at the bottom of the page. At the end of the book we find a thematic index and an index locorum; both indexes are prepared by the editor.

The text is illustrated by numerous charts, maps and photos (in black-and-white). There are 49 figures and 16 plates, but some chapters have more illustrations than others, as you can see from the information listed above [in square brackets].

This special supplement is not a general history of the Roman Empire. The authors assume the reader has a basic knowledge of this subject. Therefore this volume is not recommended for the beginner.

If, on the other hand, you are already familiar with the history of the ancient world, and if you wish to learn more about the topics discussed here – literacy and epigraphy – then this collection may be just the right one for you.

When you read the papers presented here, you will get a chance to see how a classical scholar can work. You will get a chance to find out what we know and how we know it; or (in some cases) how little we know, because the evidence available is quite limited.

As you can see from the table of contents above, several geographical areas of the Roman Empire are covered here, e.g. Sicily, Spain, and Britain. The authors deploy an impressive range of materials, as Greg Woolf says on page 182 in his afterword: 

“Stone and bronze inscriptions, tablets of wood and lead, coins and seal-boxes, graffiti scratched on walls and pottery all feature.”

The authors are careful. They do not jump to conclusions. They present and discuss the ancient evidence as well as relevant modern scholarship. When they draw a conclusion, it is based on the evidence and not on speculation.

I like these papers. I like, in particular, chapter 4 about the Roman province of Lusitania by Jonathan Edmondson. On page 44 Edmondson mentions W. V. Harris and his famous study of literacy in the ancient world: Ancient Literacy (hardcover 1989, paperback 1991).

Edmondson shows that the figures used by Harris are too low and furthermore that the methods used by Harris are too mechanical and simplistic, perhaps so much that they may be misleading. On page 47 Edmondson says:

“As we have seen, W. V. Harris used the appearance of texts inscribed in Latin as a rough index to the spread of literacy in the western provinces. However, it is not necessarily the case that those who commissioned these texts could read, let alone write, Latin. A customer could easily have discussed the sort of text required with a stone mason, who would then suggest an appropriate written format for the epitaph – hence the overwhelming stereotypical nature of the texts that we find. Moreover, tracking the errors in the Latin inscribed does not necessarily prove anything about the quality of the Latin that was spoken by the inhabitants of a given region, although it might say something about that of the lapidarii.”

I also like chapter 10 about the curse tablets discovered Bath and Uley in the south of England by Roger S. O. Tomlin. On page 170 Tomlin says:

“Obviously we cannot quantify rural literacy, but its quality here is remarkable. If illiteracy were greater in the countryside than in the towns – and surely it was, for this is a truism confirmed by the distribution of stone inscriptions – then we would have expected to see the difference reflected in the Bath and Uley collections. It does not seem to be. Both use the same language, formulas and styles of handwriting.”

The use of formulas raises a central question: who wrote the tablets? Were they written by the victims themselves or by a professional scribe? W. V. Harris seems to favour the latter option, which is known as the minimalist position. To answer this question Tomlin makes several observations, including this:

“The formulas, which are widespread in southern Britain and find echoes elsewhere, indicate a broad consensus of how one should address a god, but they have many variations, and there is not a single duplicated text. Moreover, at Bath, where the hands have been drawn and tabulated …, it can be seen that no writer is responsible for more than one tablet.”

Having made a strong case against the minimalist position, Tomlin decides to leave the question open. The reader may judge for himself or herself.

I have two critical remarks about two minor flaws:

(1) On page 68 Ralph Häussler mentions Caecilius Statius and Marcus Tullius Cicero:

“In the early 2nd c. BC the Insubrian author Caecilius Statius was described by Cicero as malus auctor Latinitatis.”

Cicero did not do anything in the early second century BC. He was not even born then, and therefore Häussler’s statement is impossible. What the author wants to say is:

“The Insubrian author Caecilius Statius (ca. 220-ca. 166 BC) was described by Marcus Tullius Cicero (106-43 BC) as malus auctor Latinitatis.”

(2) On page 185 Greg Woolf mentions the “highly incorrect texts from Bu Njem.” Having made this statement, he proceeds to write two sentences with highly incorrect English! 

Here is the first: “The connections that Williams make … is also suggestive.” The verb should be “are” (not: is). Here is the second: “The military connections … also suggests that …” The verb should be “suggest” (not: suggests).

Becoming Roman, Writing Latin? is an academic work, not suitable for the beginner, but highly recommended for the serious student. With this volume the Journal of Roman Archaeology has produced an excellent contribution to modern scholarship about the Roman Empire.

PS # 1. Special supplement # 48 was published in 2002. Eleven years earlier the JRA published another collection about this topic: Literacy in the Roman World (special supplement # 3, 1991).

PS # 2. For more information about this topic, see Literacy and Power in the Ancient World edited by A. K. Bowman and G. D. Woolf (hardcover 1994, paperback 1996, transferred to digital printing 2005).

PS # 3. Ralph Häussler developed his paper (chapter 5) into a book that was published in 2012: Becoming Roman? Diverging Identities and Experiences in Ancient Northwest Italy. On the cover, his last name is spelled Haeussler (in order to avoid the German letter ä).

* * * 

Alison E. Cooley, editor,
Becoming Roman, Writing Latin?
Literacy and Epigraphy in the Roman West,
The Journal of Roman Archaeology,
Special Supplement # 48, 2002, 192 pages

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